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Madison's
1st Inaugural Address
Washington D.C., March 4,
1809 |
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Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority,
I avail myself of the occasion now presented to express the
profound impression made on me by the call of my country to the
station to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself by
the most solemn of sanctions. So distinguished a mark of
confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage
of a free and virtuous nation, would under any circumstances
have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me
with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the
various circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the
existing period, I feel that both the honor and the
responsibility allotted to me are inexpressibly enhanced.
The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel,
and that of our own country full of difficulties. The pressure
of these, too, is the more severely felt because they have
fallen upon us at a moment when the national prosperity being at
a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the
change has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign
influence of our republican institutions, and the maintenance of
peace with all nations whilst so many of them were engaged in
bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were
enjoyed in an unrivaled growth of our faculties and resources.
Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in
the successful enterprises of commerce, in the progress of
manufactures and useful arts, in the increase of the public
revenue and the use made of it in reducing the public debt, and
in the valuable works and establishments everywhere multiplying
over the face of our land.
It is a precious reflection that the transition from this
prosperous condition of our country to the scene which has for
some time been distressing us is not chargeable on any
unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involuntary errors
in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on
the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true
glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing
justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations
at war by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most
scrupulous impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the
truth of these assertions will not be questioned; posterity at
least will do justice to them.
This unexceptionable course could not avail against the
injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage
against each other, or impelled by more direct motives,
principles of retaliation have been introduced equally contrary
to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their
arbitrary edicts will be continued in spite of the
demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given
by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempt to
induce a revocation of them, can not be anticipated. Assuring
myself that under every vicissitude the determined spirit and
united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor
and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me
with no other discouragement than what springs from my own
inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink under the weight
of this deep conviction it is because I find some support in a
consciousness of the purposes and a confidence in the principles
which I bring with me into this arduous service.
To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations
having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere
neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases
amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences
to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign
intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all
countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of
independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud
to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices
ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others;
to hold the Union of the states as the basis of their peace and
happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of
the Union, as well in its Limitations as in its authorities; to
respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to
the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the
success of the general system; to avoid the slightest
interference with the rights of conscience or the functions of
religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to
preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in
behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the
press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate
the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public
debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military
force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is
the firmest bulwark of republics that without standing armies
their Liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe;
to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to
agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as
internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of
science and the diffusion of information as the best ailment to
true Liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been
so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal
neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life
to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind
and manners are susceptible in a civilized state as far as
sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment
of my duty, they will be a resource which can not fail me.
It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am
to tread lighted by examples of illustrious services
successfully rendered in the most trying difficulties by those
who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor
it might least become me here to speak. I may, however, be
pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is
full in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a
beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents
zealously devoted through a long career to the advancement of
its highest interest and happiness.
But the source to which I look for the aids which alone can
supply my deficiencies is in the well tried intelligence and
virtue of my fellow citizens, and in the counsels of those
representing them in the other departments associated in the
care of the national interests. In these my confidence will
under every difficulty be best placed, next to that which we
have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and
guidance of that Almighty Being whose power regulates the
destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously
dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom we are bound to
address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our
fervent supplications and best hopes for the future. |
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